О британских антропологии и колониализме, iii

Действия антропологов во время (угрозы) голода на Тикопиа R.F. почти не описывает, в отличие от прибывшего вместе с ним James Spillius. "About January 26, 1952, approximately seven weeks before our arrival, catastrophe struck the island. A hurricane destroyed the entire coconut and breadfruit crops and flooded various areas of this island." Следует указать, что в это время некоторые тикопиа уже работали за пределами острова, но контакты с внешним миром еще были редки; ощущалась нехватка людей, говорящих по-английски.
"Gradually I developed, - в полной мере уже после отъезда R.F., - what might be called an operational research role, in that I interpreted Government and the Tikopia to each other, but in so doing, I tried not to determine policy for either side in relation to the other ... I was forced to deal with problems on the spot as they came up, instead of saving up a solution for a set of recommendations to Governmentafter I had left the field." Именно описание operation research находится в центре внимания J.S.; interpreted parties при этом, конечно же, не равноправны - например, антрополог предлагает по-разному обращаться с их конфиденциальной информацией*.
Статус антропологов он тоже описывает иначе - R.F. и J.S. "were thought to partake of the enormous power of Government and Europeans. At times we were treated as a symbol of European power. At others we were treated as practical representatives of it."

За описанием событий вмешательства J.S. в местную политику** отсылаю к [Spillius, part i]; здесь я лишь укажу на взаимоотношения антропологов с различными группами на Тикопиа.
Во-первых, они тесно связаны с вождями и maru (i.e. "<a chief's> brothers and close relatives in the male line, who are his executive officers ... They carry out the chief’s orders, but they also act as a check on the chief’s authority."): считаются их родственниками***, участвуют в организации их встреч с представителями колониального правительства etc.
Также J.S. указывает на разделение политических сил на острове по конфесииональному признаку - "<the Mission> has managed to convert to Christianity the second chief of the island ... and his entire clan. The other three chiefs ... have remained intensely pagan, even though the majority of the members of their clans have been converted. At the same time, these converts remain politically loyal to their chiefs. This split between the Christian and the pagan chiefs has aggravated even further the traditional factionalism". Еще во время первой экспедии R.F., поддерживая отношения с обеими сторонами, был ближе к язычникам - "I was in amicable relation with the principal Mission teacher, who was not a Tikopia, as with the other teachers, who were ... I attended Christian and pagan funerals alike, but I did not go to church on Tikopia and I showed no particular respect for Sabbath or Lent, nor for mission teachings about God, Heaven and Hell. This was deliberate policy, because I wished to understand the traditional Tikopia religious system. So I showed approval of pagan rites ... by attending them with enthusiasm and participating in them as a contributor." Во время кризиса, по описанию J.S., отношения накалились, и "<t>he Christian group no doubt considered Firth as part of the pagan camp"; перечисляя события после кризиса, J.S. рассказывает о (reportedly) написанном на него доносе, переданном посетившему миссию на Тикопиа епископу.